Extracts
from 'Nobodies to Somebodies - The Rise of the Colonial Bourgeoisie in Sri
Lanka'
Kumari
Jayawardena, 2000, Social Scientists' Association and Sanjiva Books. ISBN
955-9102-26-5
The book gives a detail account of the rise of the Lankan bourgeoisie during the vast economic changes of the 19th and the early part of the 20th century, and traces the rise and fall of the enterprising communities through the economic gains made in the liquor industry, rents, estates, conversions and plantations etc. Some interesting extracts from the book are highlighted as follows:-
“Half
a dozen misguided, designing villains … have been trying to pose as leaders of
Buddhists. Had it not been for this encouragement, these disturbances would
never have occurred … the proprietary peasant villagers … have been deluded
into this trap for the personal aggrandizement of a few who are nobodies,
but who hope to make somebodies of themselves by such disgraceful
tactics.”
– SC Obeysekere, on the Sinhalese, including the Senanayake brothers jailed in
1915 for allegedly instigating anti-Muslim rioting (Debates in the
Legislative Council, 1913-16, p.406, August 11th 1915)
Page
17 – Internal Trade and Transport
The
part of Colombo city known as the Pettah, that had earlier been a residential
area for the Dutch Burghers, by the mid 19th century became a
commercial center of Muslim and Chettiar merchants and was known as “the black
town”. (Capper 1877:86)
Page
21– Accumulation through land ownership
Members
of another group of Sri Lankans, who were to form an important part of the
emergent 19th century bourgeoisie, were landowners, whose holdings
provided them with a means of accumulation and later, a basis for expanded
growth in the plantation era. Just as the monopolistic policies of the Dutch and
the British had located a stratum of officials in the cinnamon industry and
endowed them with a basis for growth, their administrative policies also created
a group of Sri Lankan officials, called Mudaliyars. Peebles (1973:1) has defined
them as a n economic and social status group “mediating between the alien
rulers and the bulk of the indigenous population” performing functions that
the foreign rulers were “unable or unwilling to do”.
Page
22 – Accumulation through land ownership
The
Mudaliyars were not aristocrats in the strict sense of the term, since they were
not descendants of a nobility that had derived power and patronage from the
earlier Kings of Sri Lanka. They were, rather, Low-country Sinhalese who first
rose to real prominence during colonial rule, with a record of loyal service to
the Portuguese, Dutch and subsequently to the British rulers. The land, as well
as privileges and titles they thereby acquired had enabled them to assume a
“feudal” lifestyle and establish their position in the Low-country as the
“leading” Sinhalese rulers who had created an “aristocracy” for their
own purpose.
Page
25 – The Farming of Rents
During
the Dutch and British rule, there were certain forms of revenue that were not
directly collected by the colonial administration, but which, for convenience
were farmed out to local renters and tax gatherers on an annual basis.
These included the right to collect taxes in money or kind from direct producers
(the fish tax and paddy tax), the right to collect tolls (at rates prescribed by
the government) on certain roads, bridges and ferries, and the right to run
gambling and cock-fighting premises at prescribed places. The most important
source of such revenue, however, was the arrack (local alcoholic brew) rents
(franchises) known in Sinhala as rainda, auctioned to the highest
bidder, known as the renter (rainda rala) who obtained the
exclusive right to retail arrack in a specified area.
Page
26 – The Paddy Rents
The
forcible expropriation of the produce of the poor has been one of the classic
methods of surplus extraction by the imperial powers in their colonial
dependencies. One particularly onerous form of taxation in Sri Lanka was the
paddy tax, which was usually one-tenth the value of the produce payable in kind
to the renter. This was a source of government revenue which in 1797 produced
Pounds 25,000 anually (de Silva 1962, Vol II:374)
Page
36 – The Arrack industry in the Maritime Provinces: 1796-1833
Sri
Lankan merchants, whose limited opportunities for sustained growth were
discussed earlier, found a breakthrough in the arrack industry, which emerged as
the most important source of local capital accumulation in the first half of the
nineteenth century.
Page
46-47 – The Arrack Renters
During
Dutch rule, tavern keepers had been mainly burghers and Colombo Chetties, but
the ethnic pattern was to change during British rule when the great majority of
arrack renters were Sinhala speculators. In the early years of British rule,
there were still a few Burghers who had been in the arrack trade in the Dutch
period. These included Barend de Vos and J Labrooy, who in the
1790’s were arrack renters of Colombo and were referred to by British
officials as “native merchants of the island – half-caste but of property
and respected” Jacob de Heer, a renter in 1810-11 and in the Kandyan
provinces in the 1820’s, JA de Bruin who had the Alugoda tavern in 1821 and William
Hepponstall who had the Udapalata tavern in 1829. Some Colombo Chetties who
had been active in the Dutch period also continued their links with the arrack
trade; among them were Christobo Rodrigo Muttu Chitty, renter for Negombo
in 1817, L Phillippupulle who in 1817 was referred to as “the late
arrack and present gem quarry renter” of Sabaragamuwa and Phillippupulle
Masilamaniaya who was the renter in 1825 of the Sabaragamuwa Province.
Renters
also included members of the Bharatha community of Tuticorin, notable examples
being Manuel de Croos, whose name frequently occurs as renter for Negombo
in the period from 1817, and Juan de Croos, renter for the same area in
1820, who was later headman of the Bharathas. The few Britishers in the ;liquor
trade included George Bird, the pioneer coffee planter who had the
Udapalata tavern in 1825 and Mess-Sergeant Davidson, renter of the
Kadugannawa tavern in 1831 and holder of the license to sell liquor at the
canteen of the Mahahena Hotel in Kandy in 1832.
Apart
from these exceptions, renters in the maritime regions were Sinhalese of the
area, many of them persons with local influence, such as village headmen, police
vidanes, patabendis and schoolmasters, while renters in the Kandyan
regions were also predominantly Sinhalese speculators from the coastal areas.
The renters were mainly from the goyigama and karava castes who
were influential persons in their localities; a large number of them were minor
government officials who had ready access to the small sums of initial capital
needed for renting and who also had the contacts, knowledge and ability to
handle a business operation such as the retailing of arrack. Once can identify
certain recurrent names in this period of laissez-faire renting: Kalutara
Gurunnanselage Don Carolis Aratchi, renter for Kalutara in the 1820’s; Swarisge
Hendrick Swaris, renter of the Kollupitiya tavern in 1826, who was a fairly
active entrepreneur in later years; Abraham Dep, tavern renter of the
1820’s whose family became leading renters of the 19th century. Benaragamage
Don Daniel, Colombo tavern renter in 1813-14 and Benaragamage Don
Justinus, renter of several taverns in Colombo in 1826 and 1832;
Weerasuriyage Don David Appuhamy, a tavern renter of Colombo in 1826 and also
renter of the Canal Lock at San Sebastian in 1828. The prominent renters of the
karava caste during these years were: Vidanalage Abraham de Mel, Colombo
renter in 1818; the Weerahennedige Fernando’s, who included Pedro,
the renter for Kalutara in 1805-6 and arrack wholesaler right up to 1830, and David
who had the Uyana tavern (in Moratuwa) in 1827. What is significant about the
ownership of arrack rents in the years up to 1830, is that no one name, or group
of names, can be identified as dominating the rents.
Families
of the period before 1835 who continued to be prominent in renting, were those
of Vidanalage de Mel, Telge Peiris, Weerahennedighe Fernando, Mahamarakkalage
Perera, and Balappuwaduge Mendis, names that were to recur in the
arrack rents of both the Western and Central Provinces for many decades.
Page
53-55 – Multi Caste Class formation
It
is useful at this point to examine some case histories of renting families. As
we have noted, many of the pioneer renters of this period were of the goyigama
caste, some of them being constantly traders, renters and government officials.
One such enterprising goyigama family with widespread interests were the Hettiaratchige
Pintos of the Salpiti Korale. Of this family, H Louis Pinto, police vidane
of Ratmalana in the 1820’s, also had the fish rents of Galkissa (Mount Lavinia),
Moratuwa and Ratmalana in 1826. H Jeronis Pinto was both a ferry and a
tavern renter in Kandy in 1828; H Nicholas Pinto had enough property to
stand security for H Jeronis Pinto, and H Bastian Pinto had the
arrack rents of the whole of the Central Province in 1837 and the valuable rents
of the Four Gravets of Colombo in 1838. Another family of goyigama
entrepreneurs of the period was the Kadehettige family of Kelaniya; K
Don Constantine Appuhamy was not only a vidane, but was also the
paddy renter in 1810-11 and arrack renter ifrom 1811-13 of the Siyane Korale,
continuing his interests in the arrack rents of this korale during the
1820’2 and the 1830’s. Carolis (a schoolmaster) and Don Valentyn
– were all arrack renters of the Siyane and Hewagam Korales up to 1838.
Page
54-58
Another
goyigama group was the Wewage Dep family whose fortunes were laid
by an early renter Abraham Dep (Aberanchi Appu) whose business activities
included the renting of a tavern in Colombo in 1829. Abraham (the son of Franz
Dep) was born in 1778 in San Sebastian, Colombo and died around 1856. His
son, Wewage Johannes Dep, was the renter for the lock at the San
Sebastian canal in 1829. Another son, Cornelius Dep, was known as
Weerasinghe Kangany (“kangany” being a supervisor of labor). The
family continued in renting; Cornelius’ son, Wewage Arnolis Dep (Weerasinghe)
was one of the leading arrack renters at the turn of the century and his
daughter Helena Dep married Tidugalle Don Philip Wijewardene, a
timber merchant. Their grandson, J.R. Jayawardene, became the first
President of Sri Lanka.
Enterpreneurs
of the karava caste were mainly from the South-western coastal areas –
especially Moratuwa and Panadura. They owed their phenomenal business success in
the middle decades of the 19th century to the advantages and
headstart they had earlier achieved through having family members in various
occupations as craftsmen, traders, and minor government officials. Since the karava
families were the prominent capitalists of later years, some information is
available about these families. An outstanding example of a successful business
clan was the well-known Lindamullage de Silva family of Moratuwa who claim that
their ancestors came to Sri lanka from India in the 13th century. In
Dutch times, the family had landholdings in Moratuwa and was probably involved
in entrepreneurial activities; in the early British period, they embarked on
various business enterprises and, by the 1820’s, two brothers, Lindamullage
Fransisco and Domingo de Silva, laid the foundation of the family fortunes. Domingo
(Daingi rainda mahatmaya) was in the arrack trade, being one of the
Moratuwa tavern keepers in 1828; Fransisco was a distiller of the
1820’s and a renter in later years. However, the best known member of the
family in the early decades of the 19th century was Domingo’s
son Pedro de Silva, who, (as we noted earlier) was one of the leading
wholesalers of arrack of the 1820’s; there are records of his annual contracts
to supply large quantities of arrack to the government stores from 1827 to 1831.
He was also a house and property owner in Grandpass. Qwhen he died in 1838, his
son Jusey de Silva took to renting and in later years, became one of the
country’s wealthiest men, and the father-in-law of Charles de Soysa,
the richest merchant capitalist of the 19th century.
Another
karava group with similar widespread interests was the Balappuwaduge
Manakulasuriya Mendis family from Moratuwa. According to folklore in
Moratuwa, one of its members, Balappuwaduge Gabriel Mendis (known as Gaba
rainda rala) was said to have been an arrack renter during Dutch times. B
Pedro Mendis was the mahavidana Mudaliyar of Moratuwa and a prominent
landowner; B Juan Mendis had the title of master carpenter in 1819 and
did work for the Royal Engineers department in 1822; B Bastian Mendis,
who as early as 1804-5 had the gaming rents for Kalutara, was also a ferry
renter for Mutwal and Wewelle in 1826; B Simon Mendis was a licensed
distiller in 1827 and an owner of land, and B Savariel Mendis was a
tavern renter in the Kandyan regions from 1828 onwards. Other members of the
family, such as B carolis Mendis were carpenters working on contract to
the government in the early 1830’s.
A
karava familyof Moratuwa which had varied economic interests in the 19th
century were the Vidanalage de Mels, whose trading and renting activities
probably dated back to Dutch times. V James de Mel was
second vidane of Moratuwa in 1809; V Abraham de Mel (known as
Punchi rainda mahatmaya) was appointed the first vidane and was
also a renter and distiller in 1819; In 1832, his son Anthony de Mel
succeeded him as first vidane of Moratuwa. V Salman de Mel was
another distiller of this family in 1827. The most important family member
during this period, however, was Vidanalage Pedro de Mel (1784-1850). He
was a landowner, as is evident from a report that the government acquired 13 of
his fields in 1826. His son Fransisco de Mel (1809-1906), the famous
renter, was the father of Jacob de Mel (1839-1919) and the grandfather of
Henry de Mel (1877-1936) – both leading entrepreneurs in the late 19th
and the early 20th centuries (Fernando 1989).
Among
the wealthy karava families of the 19th century, was the Telge
Peiris of Panadura, which seems to have been involved in trade and in buying
land from the Dutch period onwards. According to one account, three generations
of the Telge Peiris family, Jeromias, Jeronis and David, “were
shipowners as well as landowners. Their sailing vessels plied between South
India and Beruwela, Panadura and other ports on the West Coast of Ceylon”
(Keble and Surya Sena 1950);
Other
important karava entrepreneurs with diverse interests were the Hettiakandage
Fernandos. According to family sources the founder of the family came from
the West coast of India
The
wealthiest of the Sri Lankan families of the 19th century, however,
was the karava Warusahennedige Soysa family which rose from humble
origins and expanded its interests into a range of economic activities. The
successful pioneer who accumulated wealth through arrack renting was Warusahennedige
Jeronis Soysa, also known as Babsingho Vedahamatmaya. He was
the son of Warusahennedige Joseph Soysa, a Buddhist of Moratuwa (1796-1839),
known as Josrala, who it is claimed made money through renting carts and
breeding cattle.
Page
132-133 – The Role of Foreign Merchants
The
commerce of the city of Colombo was dominated by European and Indian merchants
and by local traders belonging to minority groups. Sinhala or Tamil Sri Lankans
participated marginally in foreign and internal trade
The
majority of local merchants were small retailers who had to face fierce
competition from Borah, Memon, Parsi and Chettiar traders from
India. Ferguson’s Ceylon Directory of 1863 lists the leading merchants
and agents who were large scale exporters of coffee (and other produce) and
importers of goods needed for the local market. Of the 33 firms, 31 were
foreign. The only locals were P.B.Fernando & Sons and E.
Nannytamby, a merchant from Jaffna.
While
there were several British retail establishments in Colombo in 1863, the
non-European retailers, composed mainly of Chetty and Muslim traders, were
located in the Pettah, the center of non-European trade. There are no references
to any Sinhala or Tamil retail businesses of any note in the Ceylon Directory
of 1863, but there were 75 principal firms owned by Nattukottai Chettiars
of South India, who were mainly in the rice and cloth trade as importers and
retailers. Writing of these Chettiars, Weerasooria (1973:xiv) has observed that,
by the middle of the 19th century, “the greater part of the
Indo-Ceylon trade and the internal commerce of the Island was either in their
hands or at least largely funded by them.” The only local large trader of
significance were the Muslims. There were 35 of them in in 1863 in Colombo who
dealt in the retail of a large variety of goods. Emerson Tennent, describing the
Colombo retail trade of this period, wrote:
“Excellent
stores within the Fort supply articles imported from Europe; and those who bring
outfits from England, generally find they could have obtained the same articles
on the spot… The Moors in Pettah have shops which are certainly among the
‘wonders of Serendib’. [H}ere everything is procurable that industry can
collect from the looms of Asia and the manufacturers of Europe.” (1860, Vol
II:160)
The
non-Europeans included two Parsi firms, Framjee Bhikhaijee and Rustomjee
Muncherjee; the two Sri Lankan firms, owned by Charles de Soysa and Jeronis
Peiris respectively, were agencies connected with the trading aspects of
their arrack renting and planting activities. The non-European retail trade,
however, was dominated in 1880 by 86 leading Chetty firms involved in the rice,
cloth and other trade, and 64 Muslim retailers who dealt in a wide variety of
consumer goods – these two groups accounting for almost all the retail trade
in Pettah (Ferguson’s Ceylon Directory 1880-81;494 &507-8). The
increased economic activity associated with the growth in prosperity of the tea
sector, led to an expansion of the Chetty trade, and in 1890, there were 111
Chettiar traders in Colombo; of these 66 were rice dealers, 38 cloth traders,
and 7 were money lenders. They not only dominated vital sectors of local trade
in essentials, but also were a readily available source of credit (Ferguson’s
Ceylon Directory 1890-91;651).
Page
133-134 – The Bombay Merchants’
One
new factor which emerged in the 1880’s was the appearance of Indian traders
who replaced British importers in certain lines of trade. Up to the last decades
of the 19th century, the large scale import trade was predominantly
in the hands of the British firms such as Darley Butler (in business
since 1848), and Delmege Forsyth which imported large quantities of
flour, salt, sugar and kerosene oil. In 1895, this company was also involved in
what was called the “native trade” operating, for example, “a great
network of small bullock-carts which traveled over the whole country selling
kerosene oil” (Villiers 1940:122).
The
Bohras, a group of Gujeratis (originally from Kutch) who belonged to a
schismatic group of Shia-Muslims of the Dawoodi sect, were part of a trading and
family network spanning India, East Africa, Southeast Asia, Mauritius and the
islands of the Indian Ocean.
The
Parsis of Bombay were another community with a stake in the import-export trade.
In India, during the first half of the 19th century, the Parsis had
been “the mediating community” (as brokers, commission agents and shipping
agents) in the trade between Europeans and the Indian hinterland. They had also
dominated in the trade – especially in opium – between India and the Far
East. In Sri Lanka there was a Parsi presence in trade from the early 19th
century including Cowasjee Eduljee and Framjee Bhikhaijee.
Page 148-149 :
Nevertheless for many years previously rubber was a good investment for Sri Lankans and, by 1917, there were 65 local owners with over 100 acres each. Those who owned over 700 acres included many who belonged by birth or marriage to families who had made the initial accumulation in liquor – notably Henry Amarasuriya, Dr WA de Silva, AJR de Soysa, Bastian Fernando, Dr Marcus Fernando and Charles Pieris (Roberts 1979:180). By 1927 those owning over 1,000 acres were also part of the liquor bourgeoisie – Mrs Henry Amarasuriya, Dr WA de Silva, LWA de Soysa, CEA Dias, Dr Marcus Fernando, H Watson Peiris, and JLC Peiris. Other large rubber owners of over 1,000 acres, included men and women of all castes and ethnicities - namely Fred Abeysundera, E.C. De Fonseka, A.E.de Silva Sr., Daniel Fernando, E.L Ibrahim Lebbe Marikar, Alice Kotelawela, A.J. Vanderpoorten and E.G. Adamaly.
Page
159-162 – Recasting Caste in Class Society
In
order to understand the prevalence of the caste system among religious and
ethnic groups, this chapter will look briefly at some census data on Sri Lankan
society. In 1911, the ethnic composition of the population (of around 4 million)
was as follows (Denham 1912:96)
Ethnic Group |
Population |
Percentage of total |
Sinhalese |
2,715,000 |
66.1 |
Ceylon
Tamil |
528,000 |
12.9 |
Indian
Tamil |
531,000 |
12.9 |
Ceylon
Moor |
234,000 |
5.7 |
Indian
Moor |
33,000 |
0.8 |
Burghers
& Eurasians |
27,000 |
0.6 |
Malays |
13,000 |
0.3 |
Veddhas |
5,000 |
0.1 |
Europeans |
8,000 |
0.1 |
Others |
13,000 |
0.3 |
Total |
4,107,000 |
|
In
terms of religion, the population was in 1911 divided as follows (ibid:246)
Religion |
Population |
Percentage of total |
Buddhist |
2,474,000 |
60 |
Hindu |
938,000 |
23 |
Christian |
409,000 |
10 |
Muslim |
284,000 |
7 |
Total |
4,105,000 |
|
At
this date, the Sinhalese were 91% Buddhist and 9% Christian and the Ceylon
Tamils were 88% Hindu and 12% Christian.
Based
on the lists of castes identified by various writers in the colonial period
(cited by Bryce Ryan) and the census taken by the government in 1824 of the
Sinhala castes of the Low-country, the following is a list, (in alphabetical
order) of the main castes; it notes their traditional occupations and the
percentage they formed of the low-country Sinhalese, who in the 1820’s
numbered 352,485 (Ryan 1953:65-72 & 264)
Caste |
Occupational designation |
Percentage |
Badahala |
potters |
0.9 |
Batgama |
non-specific |
1.8 |
Berava |
drummers |
1.6 |
Durava |
tappers
of coconut palm |
5.6 |
Goyigama |
cultivators |
54.3 |
Hena |
washers |
3.4 |
Hinna* |
washers |
* |
Hunu* |
lime-burners |
* |
Karava |
fishermen |
15.7 |
Navandanna |
artisans |
3.5 |
Oli* |
dancers |
* |
Salagama |
cinnamon
peelers |
7.5 |
Vahumpura |
jaggery
makers |
3.0 |
(In
the 1824 census, Hinna, Hunu and Oli, being numerically small castes were
classified with “others” to form 2.7%)
While
in Sinhala society caste hierarchies were becoming fluid, the Jaffna Tamil caste
system remained more rigid and very hierarchical. The main castes in Jaffna have
been estimated as follows by Banks (1957, figure 1) and Pffafenberger (1982:47).
They are given below in alphabetical order:
Caste |
Traditional Occupational |
Percentage |
Ampattar |
barber |
0.9 |
Brahman |
temple
priest |
0.7 |
Karaiyar |
deep-sea
fisher |
10.0 |
Koviar |
domestic
servant |
7.0 |
Nalavar |
praedial
labor |
9.0 |
Paraiyar |
drummer |
2.7 |
Pallar |
praedial
labor |
9.0 |
Taccar |
carpenter |
2.0 |
Tattar |
goldsmith |
0.6 |
Vannar |
washer |
1.5 |
Vellalar |
farmer |
50.0 |
Page 284 :
Among the new-rich Karava, marriages were sometimes designed to set up connections with older established clans traditionally commanding higher status within the caste such as the de Fonseka, Lowe, de Rowel and Mendis Jayawardena families ( Roberts 1995:278).
Page 342 :
Some of the new faces in the 1931 State Council belonged to well known families. They were G.C.S Corea (Chilaw), Susantha De Fonseka (Panadura) son-in-law of Mathes Salgado (arrack renter and founder of a chain of bakeries), John L Kotelawela (Kurunegala), grandson of D.C.G Attygalle (Landowner), Henry W Amarasuriya (Udugama), and most notably S.W.R.D Bandaranaike (Veyangoda).
Obituary notice of Saturday Oct 12 2002 - Daily News
GOONERATNE - THELGE PATRICIA CLAUDA SOMILA (nee PIERIS). AT Rest with Jesus. Beloved wife of Siri Gooneratne (formarly of Mahawela), loving mother of Duleep (John Keells), late Lakshman (People’s Bank, Kandy), Phoebe, Sunil (Australia), Surangani and Janaki (ITI), mother-in-law of Eunice, Shanthi and Geraldine, loving grandmother of Premica, Niromi, Thushan, Shalini, Shane and Sharon. Cortege lying at Jayaratne Funeral Parlour, Borella. Service at 2 p.m. Thursday 10th October and leaves for burial thereafter at Kanatte (Anglican Section). 88A, Katuwawela, Boralesgamuwa.